, which documents abuses routinely occurring at
abortion clinics, including permanent injury, maiming, incapacitation, sexual
assault, rape, and death.
Of course, some of these problems occur as a result of the natural risks
associated with any type of surgery. However, most are an indirect result of the
raw political power of the "Pro-Choice" movement. For over 20 years, abortion
proponents have been extremely effective in
insulating abortionists from the usual checks and balances applied to other
forms of medicine. Practices which are so far beneath the minimum standard of
care that they would never be tolerated in any other health care environment are
"business-as-usual" in abortion clinics.
Furthermore, when a woman who is injured or killed during an abortion seeks
compensation through a malpractice action, the barriers she (or her survivors)
encounter in the judicial system are often overwhelming.
Primarily, these are the issues which the nine initiatives outlined in this
document are intended to address. As a pro-life organization, we naturally look
forward to the day when every human life will be protected from the moment of
conception until natural death. However, until that time comes, our nation has a
moral obligation to see that women who have abortions are protected against the
criminal acts, anti-social behavior, and inferior medical practices of abortion
providers.
Of course, we fully anticipate that the most radical advocates of
unrestricted abortion will argue that these proposals are too harsh and go
beyond what is required of other physicians. This is not true, but even if it
were, a legitimate argument can be made that abortionists should be held to a
higher standard of care than other physicians, not a lower one as is currently
the case. After all, the overwhelming majority of their patients come to them
young and in perfect health. In fact, it has often been observed that a woman is
never more healthy than when she is pregnant.
It is indefensible that a physician who makes an honest mistake while
performing a delicate and complicated procedure intended to save the life of an
injured or desperately ill patient, should be held more accountable than one who
injures or kills a strong, young and perfectly healthy woman, while performing
non-medically indicated surgery which the abortion industry claims is simple and
virtually risk-free.
1. REVISE THE STANDARDS FOR INFORMED CONSENT
Any woman who seeks an abortion has a right to be completely and accurately
informed about the risks she faces. If an abortion is likely to aggravate her
physical, psychological, or social problems, the abortionist should either
refuse to perform the procedure, or at least fully inform her of these risks.
One widely-published abortionist has even concurred that an abortion should not
be performed until the patient's preexisting medical or psychological conditions
have been treated. (1)
Unfortunately, that is not what is happening. Today, there are abortionists
who openly admit--even flaunt---the fact that they provide no decision-based
counseling whatsoever. Wisconsin abortionist Elizabeth Karlin recently confessed
that, "I---we---are not doing pregnancy options counseling because people have
made their choice when they come in . . . women know exactly what they want."
(2)
In another example, New Jersey abortion clinic counselor Marilyn Bennett
said, "If a woman comes in and clearly states that she wants to have this
termination, I don't ask her, as though I think she is a moron, "Have you
thought about this?" (3)
The result of such irresponsible behavior is that every year thousands of
women suffer devastating emotional injury from abortions they wished they had
never had. Without legislative intervention this situation will not improve. We
should establish in law that it is the abortionist's responsibility to screen
women for emotional and psychological factors which might contra-indicate
abortion.
Regarding physical injury, there must be new guidelines requiring that women
be informed about all the risks relative to the actual circumstances under which
their abortion will be performed. For example, studies show that abortion
injuries are far more likely to occur when the procedure is performed by a
resident rather than a practicing physician. (4) If a woman is told that a
particular injury only occurs once in every 100 abortions, but there is evidence
that residents inflict this injury once in every 50 abortions, she has been lied
to if the clinic is having a resident perform her abortion. (This problem is
especially relevant today, since the abortion industry is working overtime to
pass legislation which would allow non-physicians to do abortions.)
Often, the informed consent given to a woman does not match the circumstances
of her abortion because counselors quote risk factors for all abortions, instead
of for the abortion she is actually having. Since virtually every risk factor
increases dramatically with gestational age, statistics which relate to all
abortions are deceptive when given to a woman who is having a second or third
trimester procedure.
To lower the risk of coercion, there should be legislation prohibiting
abortion clinics from either taking payment from a client, or giving her
relaxant drugs, before she signs the consent form. Likewise, the abortionist
should be required to meet with the woman privately before performing the
procedure, and abortion clinics should be prohibited from counseling women in a
group setting.
Finally, each state should mandate that all informed consent documents inform
the woman that she has the right to seek compensation if injured. This
legislation should also prohibit abortionists from asking their patients to sign
statements saying they will not sue if injured.
(1)Warren M. Hern, Abortion Practice, Boulder, CO: Apenglo, 1990
(2) ABC News, Nightline, 2/20/95
(3) CBS News, Eye On America, 12/1/93
(4) The Lancet, 5/28/83
2. REDUCE THE INCIDENCE OF ABORTION
MALPRACTICE
Obviously, the most desirable way to deal with abortion injuries is to
prevent them. The problem is that, like any surgical procedure, abortion has
inherent risks so there will always be a certain number of women who are injured
regardless of the quality of care. However, it can be made considerably safer
than it is today.
First, at Life Dynamics our experience indicates that as many as one third of
all abortion complications and deaths are related to anesthesia. The main
problem is that general anesthesia is often administered by unqualified people
in an environment that is unequipped to manage complications. There is a
pressing need for legislation mandating that general anesthesia only be
administered by licensed anesthesiologists, and that appropriate monitoring and
emergency equipment---and people trained in its use---be on site.
Another common cause of injury and death is ectopic (tubal) pregnancies,
which have increased dramatically since the legalization of abortion. Our
experience indicates that many of these women are actually the victims of
botched abortions. When a woman has an abortion, the abortionist is supposed to
perform an examination of the material removed to make certain that the abortion
was complete. If fetal remains are left in her uterus, the woman is exposed to a
potentially deadly infection. Often, when no "products of conception" are found,
there is the possibility of an ectopic pregnancy which could rupture and cause
her death.
Many abortion clinics routinely dispose of abortion waste without a pathology
report, and even when one is done the results are often ignored. Moreover, many
clinics are so careless in their record-keeping that they are unable to contact
a woman whose pathology report indicates a potential problem. This could at
least partially explain the alarming rise in ectopic pregnancy deaths over the
last twenty years.
Legislation should require a pathology report after every abortion. It should
also require that abortion clinics obtain the information to contact their
patients should the need arise. Since negligence in this area could result in a
woman's death, there should be criminal penalties for any clinic employee who
fails to comply.
We also need legislation establishing minimum uniform standards for anyone
who performs abortions or counsels women about them. This should be accompanied
by a licensing procedure to insure that abortion providers and clinic employees
understand and are capable of meeting these standards. Part of this legislation
would include a provision for revocation of this license as well as a
requirement that all such licensing information be public record. Another
requirement should be that all abortion clinic employees and agents be routinely
tested for drug abuse and prevented from working in an abortion clinic if they
fail. States must also be required to share licensing information with other
states.
Next, there should be a requirement that abortion facilities meet the same
medical standards as other ambulatory surgical clinics. Additionally, there
should be demands that the government enforce the existing OSHA guidelines
regarding blood-borne pathogens.
Finally, as documented in
, there is indisputable evidence that some women
are raped or sexually assaulted while having abortions. How frequently this
occurs, or why it occurs, is debatable. However, there can be little argument
that a significant decrease could be expected if legislation was passed
requiring that a female clinic employee be present anytime an abortionist is
counseling a woman or performing an abortion.
3. REDUCE THE TIME BETWEEN ABORTION INJURY AND MEDICAL
TREATMENT
In any injury, a critical factor for recovery of the patient is the speed at
which emergency care is obtained. Regrettably, an abortionist who has injured a
woman will sometimes send her to a hospital many miles away, thus increasing her
chances for a bad outcome. The usual motivation for this is that the abortionist
is affiliated with a closer facility and does not want it to be aware of the
incident, especially if he has previously sent several other abortion-injured
women there. In other cases, he has an associate at the distant hospital
(usually another abortionist) who will cover his tracks in case of a lawsuit
Additionally, abortionists will often transfer an injured woman to the
hospital in a private car in order to avoid the publicity associated with an
ambulance arriving at their clinics. This is especially true when protesters are
present as witnesses.
Legislation should be passed preventing abortion clinics from transporting
injured women by any means other than an ambulance. They should also be required
to maintain an advance transfer agreement with the nearest emergency hospital
and send all injured women to that facility.
Additionally, states should require that "circuit-riders" (abortionists who
come in from out of state) maintain an on-call agreement with a physician who is
a permanent resident of the area. All patients should be given this name as they
are dismissed from the clinic. Without this, a woman may have no one to call if
six hours after her abortion she experiences complications. No other physician
would even dream of leaving his patients in such a situation, and abortionists
should not be allowed to either.
4. MAKE IT EASIER FOR ABORTION-INJURED WOMEN TO
RECOVER DAMAGES
Today, abortion-injured women find the deck stacked against them when they
seek compensation from the civil court system. A few reasonable reforms could
alleviate this.
First, it is common for abortion providers to require that their patents sign
a statement saying they will not hold the facility liable for injuries that
occur during an abortion. Of course, these statements are not worth the paper
they are written on, but the women signing them may not know that and
erroneously believe they have surrendered their right to redress. If this
misconception causes abortion-injured women to not seek compensation, it could
be reasonably argued that they have not only been victims of malpractice, but
also of fraud. This calls for legislation preventing abortionists from asking
their patients to sign such an agreement
Second, there should be a uniform standard of care with which abortionists
most comply and which will be used in all malpractice proceedings as the
guideline for determining when malpractice has occurred. There should also be a
minimum civil penalty in all cases where there is a finding of abortion
malpractice.
Third, abortion-injured women should be allowed to sue their abortionist
anonymously or with the use of a pseudonym. Some women who are seriously injured
during an abortion will not seek justice, simply because there is someone whom
they do not want to find out about the pregnancy or the abortion.
Currently, a request for plaintiff anonymity is granted or denied at the
discretion of the judge hearing the case. If he is politically pro-choice, he
may decide that the best way to get rid of the case is to make the complainant
publicly admit she has had an abortion. If for no other reason, the anonymity
decision must be the woman's and not the judge's.
Fourth, there should be legislation lowering the burden of proof that women
must meet in order to recover damages from an abortionist. Under the current
system, she must normally show that she was injured because the abortionist
violated the standard of medical care typical in elective abortions. This seems
reasonable except that the abortion industry has been so successful at fighting
regulations on abortion that violating the minimum standard of care has become
virtually impossible.
Fifth, there needs to be an extended amount of time for women to sue after an
abortion injury. Most states have "statute-of-limitations" provisions which
prevent plaintiffs from seeking compensation after a certain amount of time has
passed. Normally, the limit is one or two years and is a reasonable check
against frivolous litigation.
However, in the case of abortion, injuries often do not manifest themselves
for many years. For example, a 15-year-old girl might be left sterile from a
botched abortion, but not find out about it until she tries to get pregnant at
age 25. If her state's statute-of-limitations stipulates that she cannot sue
more than seven years after the injury occurred or two years after the injury is
discovered (whichever comes first), she is powerless to receive compensation.
Sixth, there should be legislation making it easier for women to obtain their
medical records from abortion clinics, and mandatory criminal penalties for the
alteration, destruction or forgery of these documents.
Seventh, hospitals and other medical institutions should be prevented from
barring or punishing doctors who testify on behalf of plaintiffs in medical
malpractice litigation. Some medical institutions actually have official
policies allowing their doctors to be expert witnesses for the defense side of a
medical malpractice trial, but not the plaintiff side. If the goal of the
medical establishment is to provide the best medical care possible, it should
welcome the opportunity to deal with bad practitioners instead of shielding
them.
Eighth, there should be legislation preventing defense attorneys in
malpractice cases from introducing the injured woman's personal history into
trial.
Often called the "Slut Defense," this is the shabby but effective practice of
"trying" the abortion-malpractice victim for her past behavior. Once common in
rape trials, the victim's medical, gynecological, criminal and sexual
history--regardless how irrelevant--is introduced into the trial in a shameless
attempt to disqualify her as a person deserving compensation. Most states now
prohibit this practice in criminal trials, but not in civil litigation. Defense
attorneys currently use this tactic in virtually every case in which a woman
seeks compensation from an abortionist who has injured her.
Finally, American women deserve legislation that would make it easier for
them to bring a civil action for psychological injury. As it stands, it is
virtually impossible for a woman to recover damages for an emotional injury
unless she has an accompanying physical injury. Additionally, since emotional
injuries from abortion often do not become obvious for several years, there
should be extensions in the statute-of-limitations for women who are diagnosed
with abortion-induced post-traumatic-stress disorder.
5. INCREASE MALPRACTICE INSURANCE REQUIREMENTS
When an abortion-injured woman seeks compensation in court, it is not
uncommon for her to discover that she will receive nothing even if a jury rules
in her favor. Abortionists often hide their personal assets and either carry no
malpractice insurance or carry so little that it is insufficient to cover her
injuries. Thus she cannot recover damages even if a jury determines that she is
entitled to them.
This can be corrected by legislation requiring abortionists to have either
medical malpractice insurance or proof of financial responsibility. Most states
will not let someone drive a car without demonstrating financial responsibility.
Why would these same states let someone perform a potentially life-threatening
surgery without it? States should not only be concerned about people injuring
women with cars, but with medical instruments as well.
In the absence of such legislation, there should be a requirement that all
abortionists who do not have malpractice insurance, or proof of financial
responsibility, inform their patients of this fact--both verbally and in
writing--prior to performing their abortions.
Furthermore, abortionists who refuse to purchase insurance should be required
to make available a "single event" insurance policy which the client could
purchase at her option and expense. This would be similar to airports which
offer single trip insurance to passengers about to board a plane. At least with
this arrangement, the woman could choose for herself whether she wanted to take
her chances. Under the present system, the abortionist makes the choice for her.
6. PROTECT ABORTION-INJURED WOMEN THROUGH EXPANDED
THIRD PARTY LIABILITY
Most reliable information suggests that at least one other person or
organization probably played some role in a woman's decision to seek an
abortion. It seems only fair that since she did not get into this situation
alone, she should not have to face all the risks alone.
In the case of minors, there should be legislation that makes the person who
performs an abortion on an underage girl without her parent's knowledge liable
for the cost of any subsequent medical treatment she might require because of
the abortion. It should extend beyond the person who does the abortion and
include the person who causes the abortion to be done. For example, if a public
school employee, family planning counselor, or another physician refers a minor
to an abortionist who injures her, that person should be held liable.
If these individuals are comfortable usurping the parents' role during the
decision making process, they must also assume the parents' financial
responsibility when something goes wrong. It is outrageous that we hold parents
financially responsible for something that is done to their minor daughters,
while at the same time telling them they do not have a right to know about it
beforehand. Additionally, if the parents do not have the financial means to pay
for this medical care, it becomes a burden on the taxpayer.
Furthermore, regardless of a woman's age, if a third party (individual,
insurance company, or government entity) pays for her abortion, that party
should be liable for complications. Among other things, this would force
irresponsible males who use abortion as an easy way out, to share in at least
one of the dangers faced by the women they impregnate.
Finally, we should seek legislation which addresses the fact that every
unmarried minor girl considering an abortion may have been the victim of
criminal sexual abuse. She could only have become pregnant as the result of (a)
a relationship with another minor, (b) a consenting relationship with an adult,
(c) forcible rape or (d) incest.
With three of the four being illegal, it would seem that every medical
professional encountering an unmarried and pregnant minor has a moral and legal
obligation to inquire how she became pregnant. Most states already have
legislation requiring that any person who knows--or in some cases just
suspects--that a minor is being sexually abused must report it to law
enforcement authorities. If our society is serious about protecting children
from sexual abuse, we must strengthen these laws and enforce them among
abortionists and abortion counselors. Obviously, no one in our society is in a
better position to know about such activity, or assist those who are its
victims.
7. REFORM THE SYSTEM OF IDENTIFYING AND REPORTING
INJURIES AND DEATHS
At Life Dynamics, our experience has been that it is impossible to accurately
gage the safety of abortion, despite widely used statistics. The information
gathered is spotty, and even accurate data tends to get "cleaned-up" by an
overtly pro-abortion agency within the federal government called The Centers for
Disease Control (CDC).
Of course, a top to bottom overhaul of the CDC is called for immediately.
Legislation should prohibit CDC employees from having ties to the abortion
industry, or known political prejudices on legalized abortion. It must also
feature strict enforcement guidelines with criminal penalties for failure to
comply.
Then, federal legislation should be passed which creates a universal standard
for reporting of injuries and deaths due to abortion, including a requirement
that every state report its figures to the revamped CDC. Additionally, all
ectopic pregnancy deaths and injuries should be investigated in order to
determine if the woman has had a recent abortion.
In order to obtain complete and accurate information, legislation is also
needed to prevent abortionists and insurance companies from seeking
confidentiality as part of an agreement to settle a case. (This legislation
should be written in a way that does not prevent the woman from obtaining a
confidentiality agreement--but only if she initiates it.)
Finally, there should be federal funding for a politically neutral scientific
study to determine the degree to which abortion can, or cannot, be a trigger for
Post-Traumatic-Stress-Disorder (PTSD). Far too many women report severe
emotional problems following abortion for this to be ignored.
8. RESTRUCTURE STATE MEDICAL LICENSING BOARDS
In many if not most states, the medical licensing board is uninterested in
disciplining bad doctors. More often than not, these boards are run by
physicians for physicians. A few relatively simple procedural changes could
transform these boards into the oversite committees they were originally
intended to be.
State medical licensing boards should (a) include a majority of non- members,
(b) be required to publicize their proceedings, including the results of all
investigations, (c) be prohibited from purging physician records as long as the
physician is alive, (d) be required to report any disciplinary actions they take
against a doctor to the National Physician Databank, (e) establish a universal
standard for completing medical records, (f) be required to automatically revoke
the license of any physician or nurse who attempts to prevent a patient from
getting her medical records, and (g) be required to automatically revoke the
license of any physician or nurse who is involved in the alteration of medical
records if such alteration is done to cover up mistakes made in the treatment of
a patient
There should also be legislation passed requiring insurance companies to
inform the state medical board when they pay a claim for abortion malpractice or
restrict/terminate the policy of an abortionist. This legislation should include
a requirement that abortionists report all out-of-court settlements they make
with injured women. Another feature of this legislation should require civil
courts to report all awards for abortion malpractice to the state medical
licensing board which would then be required to investigate for possible
disciplinary action.
Finally, all information contained in the National Physician Databank should
become public record.
9. STRENGTHEN BASIC CONSUMER PROTECTION
LEGISLATION
Women seeking abortion should be afforded the same consumer protection that
is common in other areas of the law. One step toward insuring that they receive
the kind of counseling they need is to prohibit organizations which refer women
for abortions from taking commissions or kick-backs from the abortionists to
whom they refer.
Another legislative initiative would be to require that all abortion-related
counseling be done by people who are not directly connected to any abortionist
or abortion clinic. There is an obvious conflict of interest when a woman is
counseled about an abortion decision by someone who is employed by an
organization which profits from abortion. This legislation could be patterned
after laws which prohibit people who conduct vision exams from being employed by
companies that sell eyeglasses.
In the absence of this legislation, we should pass a bill that prohibits
abortion facility counselors from being paid on commission. Counseling women in
crisis pregnancy situations should never be done by someone with a financial
interest in her decision.
Other protective legislation could include a requirement that pregnancies be
proven viable before an abortion is performed. Why should a woman pay three or
four hundred dollars for an abortion to end a pregnancy that is going to
naturally miscarry the next day? This would also reduce the number of abortions
performed on women who are not pregnant
Additionally, women should be given data that compares their abortionist's
malpractice and criminal history against that of the other abortionists in her
state. If a woman is going to place her life in the hands of an abortionist who
has the worst record in the state, she has a right to know it beforehand. She
also has the right to know the abortionist's real name and whether he is a
"circuit-rider" or a permanent resident of the state.
Finally, legislation must be passed which requires state agencies to enforce
all regulatory legislation once it is passed. Passing protective legislation
will be a hollow victory if the agency charged with enforcing it is run by
someone with an abortion-on-demand political agenda.